Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

the West

  • 1 žuriti

    žuriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Russian:
    žurít' (coll.) `reprove, scold' [verb], žurjú [1sg], žurít [3sg];
    žurít'sja (dial.) `grieve, quarrel' [verb], žurjús' [1sg], žurítsja [3sg]
    Czech:
    zuřiti `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    zúrit' `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Polish:
    żurzyć się (obs.) `be angry, rage' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    zuriś `make sour, embitter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zúriti se `hurry, (dial.) complain' [verb], žȗrīm se [1sg]
    Slovene:
    žúriti se `hurry' [verb], žúrim se [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʰeuro-
    Comments: According to Young (2002), the West Slavic forms continue a denominative verb based on an unattested adjective corresponding to Lith. žiaurùs `cruel, savage', which he assumes to have the same root as Lith. žvėrìs `wild animal' (*ǵʰeuh₁r-?). Like Vasmer and others, he connects the East and South Slavic forms with Skt. ghorá- `terrible, terrifying' [adj] and Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]. Since the meaning of the West Slavic forms may have been influenced by German sauer `sour, angry' (perhaps through association with West Slavic * žurъ `sour mass used for soup or bread', which is regarded as a borrowing), I wonder if it is necessary to assume a different origin for the West Slavic forms on the one hand and the East and South Slavic forms on the other.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ghorá- (RV+) `terrible, terrifying' [adj];
    Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} With dissimilation of *žuř- to zuř- in Czech (Machek 1971: s.v.). The Slovak form may be a borrowing from Czech.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žuriti

  • 2 ȁsenь

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenь

  • 3 ȁsenъ

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenъ

  • 4 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 5 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 6 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 7 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 8 klěščiti

    klěščiti Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: X 22-23
    Czech:
    kleštiti `castrate' [verb];
    klestiti `prune, clear, castrate' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    klestiti `castrate' [verb], klešču [1sg]
    Slovak:
    klieštit' `castrate' [verb]
    Polish:
    kleścić (dial.) `castrate' [verb], kleszczę [1sg], kleścisz [2sg];
    kleszczyc (1902) `castrate' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    klijèštiti `squeeze' [verb]
    Comments: Apparently a derivative of -> *klěšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting * klestiti are analogical after * pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *- šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klěšča, are comparatively recent.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > klěščiti

  • 9 mamiti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mamiti

  • 10 maniti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > maniti

  • 11 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 12 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 13 medojědъ

    medojědъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 55
    Russian:
    medoéd (dial.) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Czech:
    medojed (Jungmann) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȅdojēd (dial.) `death's head moth' [m o]
    Slovene:
    medojẹ̀d `honey-eater, honey-lover' [m o], medojẹ́da [Gens]
    Page in Pokorny: 288, 707
    Comments: For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedъ must be a more recent formation than *medvědь.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > medojědъ

  • 14 medvě̀dь

    medvě̀dь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `bear'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 55, 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    medvědь (PsDim.) `bear' [m jo] \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    medvědь (Par., Hval.) `bear' [m jo] \{2\}
    Russian:
    medvéd' `bear' [m jo]
    Czech:
    medvěd `bear' [m o]
    Slovak:
    medved' `bear' [m o]
    Polish:
    miedźwiedź (arch., dial.) `bear' [m jo] \{3\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mèdvjed `bear' [m o];
    Čak. medvȉd (Vrgada) `bear' [m o];
    Čak. medvȉd (Novi) `bear' [m o];
    Čak. medvȅd (Orbanići) `bear' [m o]
    Slovene:
    médvẹd `bear' [m o], medvẹ́da [Gens]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: medveʔd-i-
    Indo-European reconstruction: medʰ-u-h₁ed-i-
    IE meaning: honey-eater
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 288, 707
    Other cognates:
    Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > medvě̀dь

  • 15 dura

    dura Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 160
    Belorussian:
    dzjurá `hole' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    djúra `hole' [f ā]
    Czech:
    d'oura (Jungmann) `hole' [f ā];
    d'úra (E. Mor. dial.) `hole' [f ā];
    džura (Sil.) `hole' [f ā]
    Polish:
    dziura `hole' [f ā];
    dura (dial.) `hole' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    dura `hole' [f ā];
    dzióra < dziora> `hole' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ʒu̇̂ră `hole' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 206
    Comments: West Slavic cognate of * dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Polish). According to Sɫawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Polish form dzióra. This form may derive from OPl. drać, 1sg. dziorę, or may continue an older noun * dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Polish verb (similarly Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dura

  • 16 sě̄dlo

    sě̄dló Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `seat'
    Czech:
    sídlo `seat, residence' [n o];
    Sedlo PN [n o]
    Slovak:
    sídlo `seat, residence' [n o]
    Polish:
    Dɫugosiodɫo PN [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    sydɫo `residence' [n o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    sedɫo `residence' [n o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: sed-lo-m \{1\}
    Comments: If this is a Proto-Slavic formation, we must assume that in those languages where *dl- > *l- the etymon merged with *selò. In West Slavic as as well these two etyma seem to have infuenced one another, cf. Pl. Dɫugosiodɫo with *e in the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sě̄dlo

  • 17 bagno

    bagno Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b? Proto-Slavic meaning: `marsh'
    Page in Trubačev: I 125-127
    Russian:
    bagnó (dial.) `marshy place, wild rosemary' [n o]
    Ukrainian:
    bahnó `marsh, mud, wild rosemary' [n o]
    Czech:
    bahno `marsh' [n o];
    báhno (Jungmann) `marsh' [n o] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    bahno `marsh' [n o]
    Slovak:
    bahno `bog, large marsh' [n o]
    Polish:
    bagno `bog, marsh, wild rosemary' [n o]
    Slovincian:
    bȧ̃gno `wild rosemary' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bahno `marsh, silt' [n o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bagno `marsh, (dial.) wild rosemary' [n o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰog-no-
    Comments: It is attractive to seek a connection with MoDu. bagger `mud' < *bʰogʰ- and assume that we are dealing with a substratum word. The Slavic etymon is limited to West and East Slavic.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Jungmann mentions both bahno and báhno.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bagno

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